Manifest Destiny in the Old World

08 December 2010

The United States of AWESOMENESS

"We flipped our finger to the King of England
And stole our country from the Indians
With God on our side, and guns in our hand
We took it for our own"


                                                    from the song 'Merican, by The Descendants


Maybe the United States is not the first nation that comes to mind when one hears the word ’’Imperialism.’’ To be fair, European colonization of Africa, North and South America, and South and East Asia provides a rather convincing argument that the Europeans invented their own flavor of manifest destiny long before Lady USA was in the room. Who could forget the Belgian Congo, the British Raj, or the Dutch Boers? To reiterate a tired point that has oft been more eloquently stated, Europe back in the day was something of the classroom bully, perplexingly concerned with throwing down some old school imperialism rather than addressing the real needs of her perpetually feuding peoples.

Fast forward a few centuries. 1945. The United States of America at the end of World War II stands virtually alone as the world’s sole hegemonic power. In the immediate aftermath of the war, the US on its own was responsible for one third of global GDP, anchored by a strong manufacturing base that had no equal. The United States was the only power with a highly mobile, strong, and ready standing army, in contrast to the European powers, which had just lost an entire generation of young men. Lastly, at that moment the United States was the only nation that had atomic capabilities, the power of which had just been demonstrated to the entire global community. The American Empire had arrived, founded on the bygone European world order, the pragmatic military and civilian discipline of her people, and the time honored ideas and principles of her founding ideology. 

The critically acclaimed and highly esteemed journalist and historian Tom Brokaw famously referred to the brave men and women of this era as "The Greatest Generation." Recognizing the inherent strength and devotion of a people who had been called to serve, left their families, traveled across the world to fight for their values and the rights of entire peoples, societies, and cultures that they had never met, and then returned home to quietly start families of their own, Brokaw’s title of veneration for these individuals was earned in trenches and fields in Europe and jungle islands in the Pacific Ocean, in dense forests and freezing foxholes outside Bastiogne, and in flashing red and yellow German skies. The great sacrifice that those individuals freely made for their young nation cannot be measured in blood alone, but in the valor and inspiration of their august legacy.

There is an appropriate proverb that states: “Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” Within one generation, the United States experienced an about-face in its foreign policy mentality; shifting from a nation initially opposed to entering World War II to an interventionist rational state actor whose narrow strategic doctrine focused almost exclusively on economic philosophy rather than social justice. Most notoriously though surprisingly unheeded is the Central Intelligence Agency, which assumed the lead role in a series of assassinations during the 1960’s and 1970’s that eliminated democratically elected leaders in South America and Africa and replaced them with brutal dictators simply because of a perceived affiliation of the former with Marxist ideology.

Today the US remains the world’s largest economy, measured by the Gross Domestic Product, as well as the world’s most capable military. But the US will not remain the sole global hegemony for much longer. The GDP of the People’s Republic of China is projected to surpass that of the United States within the lifetime of the emerging generation. Combined with the commercial potential of India, the possibility of a third global polarity in South and East Asia is quickly becoming a constructivist reality. Economic growth in South America is spearheaded by a diversified and powerful Brazilian economy. Economic and political integration in the European Union, as well as the possibility of subsequent expansion, will continue to maintain the status of the Old World as an important player and polarity, one that considered as a whole already exceeds US GDP. Given all of these changes to international structures and relations, where is the outlet for US imperialism?
      
The answer is its culture. When compared to their European counterparts, on the surface it may seem as though the US lacks a truly distinct culture of its own. The United States is, after all, a nation of immigrants who carried parts of their culture with them into the land of opportunity. In a sense, the United States has no culture of its own; any traditions are simply the transplanted remnants of existing customs imported from their original nations.

My personal conviction is that the above viewpoint is mistaken. While the cultural identity remains much more homogenous in Europe, the culture of the United States is literally immeasurable by comparison, as its culture is one of intrinsic diversity manifest through waves of immigration spread over three centuries.  Furthermore, the United States is large in geographic area as well as population, which allows for considerable regional variation in culture. The nation of preppy New England polo teams is the same nation of the all out, in-your-face bloodbath showdowns of Texan Football rivalries. Urban cosmopolitan socialites and rural based free-spirited cowboys may live within 75 miles of each other or 3,000 miles apart. Highly disciplined and politically oriented students work as interns for government agencies or NGOs on the East Coast while their hardcore partygoer friends on the other side of the country rush out of class to go snowboarding in Aspen. And amid this beautiful diversity, the holy, venerated land of milk and honey that is the Midwest remains a shining beacon of superiority to which the rest of the nation may one day aspire.


There are important and ignored arguments and examples to be made in favor of the concept of US culture. The valuable contribution of immigrant communities is a valuable and enriching asset to its home community. Consider the following: The oldest Muslim community in the nation is in Detroit, where some Muslim families have held local delis and cafes for three generations (the same amount of time that both sides of the Saint Luc Family have called the US their home). Maine has a large population of Palestinians, as well as an internationally recognized summer camp that integrates their children with Israeli children. Minnesota has a large population of Somalians. A mid size suburb 30 miles outside Chicago is home to an unusually large number of really cool class individuals, and also Lithuanians. Indians are everywhere, and one can even find bhangra competitions with full Punjabi teams in Buffalo, New York. Et cetera, et cetera.


There is no better illustration of the popularity of US soft power as in the music industry. MTV and VH1 rule the airwaves from the City of Fallen Angels (Los Angeles) to the City of frites, mussels, European Bureaucracy, and racist checkpoint officials (Bruxelles) and beyond. The soundtrack of the United States is everywhere. Even if a new trend originates elsewhere, the US will Americanize it and make it their own. Big Brother, originally a Dutch creation, made its way to the US in the form of the Road Rules and Real World shows that everyone except for me watched during the 1990's. Later, reality TV would develop into the Simple Life or Rich Girls, until finally it would reach the pinnacle of its existence in JERSEY SHORE. 


While the US may finally be ceding its economic edge to the rising Dragon in the East, it is important to remember that no single nation will surpass the US's hard power capabilities within this generation or the next. Additionally, the popular culture of the United States will continue to ensure that the US plays the lead role in defining the in vogue soft power components of society. And the social reality for most US citizens yet offers an unmatched level and depth of diversity that is experienced nowhere else in the world. The US does not need to spread its culture. The rest of the world already does that for us.



02 December 2010

The Folly of the Wonk

American University has a new fad. 

It's called wonk. 

I don't like it.  

The concept behind wonk was born out of the notion that AU students aspire to become outstanding experts in their field of academic study. With the same letters in the word "know" arranged in reverse order, the not so subtle implication is that students will eventually know their field forwards and backwards. A wonk is therefore a sillier, collegiate term for scholar, or so the AU administrators responsible for the campaign believe. 

The truth is that the term is neither unique to AU (despite AU's 35 trademark applications on it and its variations) nor particularly useful. Rather, it appears as though the administration has once again erred in their judgment of identifying a central concept around which our student body can rally. Students at AU, while not all the best and brightest, are hard working, highly motivated, talented, and serious about their academic and future careers. This silly campaign, though not entirely a bad idea, is not one that will resonate with the majority of AU students. Conceded, being detached from the campus community certainly does limit my ability to assess the reality of wonk in the daily functioning of the university. But my educated guess is that wonk has done little in affecting the student body for better or for worse. More likely, it is a direct attempt by the administration to appear more engaged in the social component of the campus community, one that is not particularly intriguing. 

In examining the campaign, albeit lightly and without great expectations, my only rationale is that the campaign exists for two possible reasons. The first reason may be to provide a visible, symbolic buzz word to represent the student body, therefore creating an image of the typical AU student. The second possibility is that perhaps AU decided that in order for students to feel universally accepted or at ease in a new environment, such an image would provide intangible emotional and psychological benefits that would serve a part in the process of social integration for new students. 

I have a few problems with these motives. Addressing the first rationale, I, like many of my peers, already have a very clear picture of what is conveyed in the concept of the average AU student. To be fair, this definition may differ depending on the individual. But to be honest, those who do go to American University do have an idea of the average AU student, and speaking as a student of this fine institution I would not be wrong in my claim that one's conceptualization of the average AU student would very likely deviate little between the thousands of individuals that compose our student body. There is such a reality as the average AU student, and that reality exists in hundreds if not thousands of the people at AU. An effort to explicitly characterize the typical AU student is unnecessary.

Regarding the second, it is unrealistic and slightly insulting to insinuate that such a campaign could provide a feeling of acceptance-real or artificial-in a student who does not identify with any other group or individual on campus. That AU's rate of retention between freshman and sophomore year is lower than desired is reflective of the lack of social integration opportunities provided by the university. While AU does an excellent job of providing such activities during orientation, such programs should be maintained during the academic year as well. As all enlightened individuals are aware, education in modern society is much more than the classes alone-a fully integrated education is one that provides outlets in the social competence as well as the academic realm alone. 

Lastly, the question as to whether the wonk campaign is little more than a waste of resources is both valid and reasonable. The essential question remains whether the funding allocated towards wonk could have been better spent elsewhere. Given the strength of AU's financial leadership, such expenditures are unlikely to affect other programs, but the economics of the wonk campaign surely merit considerations of its opportunity cost. Note: The full cost of American University's Wonk Campaign was quoted by an AU Official as USD 675,000. For a breakdown of costs, see Chris Lewis's article on the campaign, "The Price of Wonk," which appeared in the American Way of Life Magazine. 

The wonk campaign is the direct result of overemphasizing a mentality that needs no further reinforcement. Students at American University already strive to become recognizable figures, whether in politics or academia, and any added pressure from wonk amounts to blatant overkill. Nor does the wonk campaign add any value to the campus community-AU social life remains fragmented and loosely based around extracurricular interests, where exclusive executive boards plan and control the events of their organization and draw in a membership that typically is little more than an audience. Wonk does nothing to provide a greater cohesion between divided movements, organizations, or academic groups, and indeed fails to deliver any tangible results.

Many AU students, often observant and analytical, surely are aware of the numerous fallacies of the wonk campaign. The fault is not that the administration did not produce the effort to engage the community, but rather that it was so wildly off the mark in its estimation of a unifying, compelling central image. That its relatively high cost could easily be allocated toward other initiatives (i.e., three full scholarships including room and board) also thrusts scrutiny on the program. If American University wishes to be serious about implementing overarching, pragmatic solutions toward integrating new students into the campus community, more effective and meaningful measures are needed. A colorful T-shirt is no substitute for a supportive friend, and it should not take the misallocation of $675,000 to realize this simple truth. Until a new mentality is adopted by the individuals responsible for wonk, it appears as though the students of American University will have to live with the label, regardless of how big of sgabehcuod it makes us feel.



01 December 2010

Access Denied; How to Not Get Into the Schengen Area


"Lord, what fools these mortals be!"

                                                      -William Shakespeare
                A Midsummer Night's Dream, Act II Scene III



As previously promised, here is the long overdue explanation of what happened to the defamed Saint Luc as he innocently attempted to re-enter Brussels after his very enjoyable holiday some three weeks earlier. Note: This entry does not fit in chronologically to the rest of my epic narrative. Instead, it should be placed between my fall break in Cairo and the ten day Balkans trip.

On an unremarkable, chilly Sunday morning in Brussels I arrived back only to be stopped at passport control. Upon seeing a rather large amount of stamps in Arabic on my passport, Mr Racist Belgian Checkpoint Official (not his actual name) decided that a further investigation was necessary. “What are you doing in Brussels?” asked Mr RBCO. I responded that I was a student. He then asked to see my residence card, which I did not have, as I had not obtained a student visa. After explaining this, he very cordially invited me to accompany his colleague to a side room to resolve the matter. There I became aware of a significant problem; namely, that I did not have a student visa, and that my tourist visa for the Schengen area had been overstayed by 53 days. I had assumed that with a tourist visa that was automatically extended to all US Citizens for a period of 90 days I would have no trouble entering and exiting the Schengen area. This assumption, though correct, had left out one crucial detail. I had spent most of the summer in Spain, and therefore my initial date of entry into the Schengen area was not 03 September 2010, but rather 14 May 2010. I had therefore been in the Schengen area for 143 days out of the past 164.

After a futile conversation with Mr Belgian Official on a Power Trip (a colleague of Mr Racist Belgian Checkpoint Official), I was interrogated by a third individual, who in fairness had a pretty miserable job. Seeing the Moroccan, Egyptian, Turkish, and UAE stamps on my passport made the officials rather uncomfortable, so they asked me a few questions about my travel plans and the purposes of my visits to these wonderful places. He asked my religion. He also asked if I had any Muslim friends. Sensing the predicament that I was in, my mind nevertheless wandered to one of the Muslim friends that I had visited in Egypt, with who I spent an afternoon exploring a rich collection of Mosques. I also thought of one of my previous roommates, a Pakistani Muslim with whom I had once celebrated Eid. “Not really,” I replied.

There were two options. Neither involved entering the country. The first was that the Belgian government would pay for my flight back to the previous airport from which I had arrived. Since that would be Henri Coanda in Bucharest, Romania, I opted to take option number two, Choose Your Own Adventure. Destiny (convenience, really) brought me to Londontown, where I enjoyed the gracious hospitality of the family of a certain Miss Saint Luc for a relaxing, leisurely week. Thanks to the ever loyal Duke of Landesberg I was able to skype in for most of my classes, and when I arrived back in Brussels a week later my Professor acknowledged that of all weeks I had selected the best possible one to miss.

Though I wish I could say I received a hero’s welcome, in reality my return was rather inconsequential. Many of my peers had fallen ill, so absences were high. Nevertheless, it was splendid to be back, and I enjoyed Brussels for a full five days before leaving on a ten day trip to the Balkans (of which the first leg was recorded in the previous post). 

29 November 2010

The Balkans; Zagreb and Sarajevo

"What would you die for? What would you kill for?"

Questions posed by Professor Sheridan, on the complexities that motivate the best and worst of human actions
 
18 November 2010 - 28 November 2010

Beginning on the 18th of November, our class began a ten day trip through the Balkans. Our focus was the dissolution of Yugoslavia, a subject that had repeatedly been referenced in our Defense Economics Seminar. Our primary professor for that seminar had been professionally involved in the conflict, but for the sake of consistency I will abstain from disclosing his name. For those dying to know, here is a hint: he was the spokesman for NATO for much of the conflicts, including Kosovo, and he speaks with a charming cockneye accent.

It is known that I do not enjoy road trips. In general, I can persevere through the several hour duration that it takes to drive from Chicago to Louisville, in which we visit our dear family residing in the great state of Kentucky at around this time every other year. No matter. But any longer, and the drive becomes rather tedious. Side note: I did manage 27 hours on a train ride multiple times when I joined the Gloria Dei Youth Group in a mission to a Native American reservation approximatelz 30 miles from Havre, Montana. That trip, however, passed by quicker than any of us realized (we really were having a smashing time) but to our fellow residents in our coach it probably felt twice as long due to our lively escapades. I will never forget you, Antonio the conductor. May your good looks continue to dazzle and amaze your passengers from one side of our nation to the other. 

Our travels to the Balkans were not nearly as fleeting. Assuredly, your Saint Luc did learn his lesson on the multiple bus rides around Spain last summer, in which he was reminded why it is a bad idea to drink many beers before a several hour long journey. Nevertheless, spending so long in a bus is never a terribly exciting endeavor, even with beautiful scenic views and good movies. It was with great relief when we finally arrived in Zagreb, Croatia, to begin our exploration of the Balkans. Our journey was made more comfortable by a one night rest in Augsberg, Germany, in which we subjected the staff at a small Vietnamese diner to a two hour long debate on the use of conventional military forces in Afghanistan vs small scale operations executed through special forces without deployment of tens of thousands of marines and soldiers. Nights like those remind me that I go to American University (they don't remind me why).



Zagreb, Croatia

Zagreb is not often listed as a popular tourist destination for non-EU citizens, but in the coming years it will likely make the cut. Of the Balkan states, Croatia is the furthest along in the accession process to become a member state of the European Union, and with its integration into the EU may soon come admission into the Schengen area. If or when this happens, Croats will be able to travel freely within the European Union without requiring a visa, an ability that is highly coveted among much of the populace residing in the Balkan states. Among the earliest states to secede from the former Yugoslav Republic, Croatia was able to avoid the prolonged struggle that characterized the secession of other states from Yugoslavia (i.e., Bosnia a conflict that would eventually lead to the intervention of Western European nations and the United States). Today, Zagreb is a urban, cosmopolitan city with surprisingly good nightlife. One day in the not so distant future I will make it a point to return.

Our professor led us on a brief walking tour through the city and then turned us loose for dinner. Zagreb does have a wonderful student section, including a street full of packed restaurants and bars. Throughout the Balkans trip I became very fond of an entree called cevapcici, which essentially are small but delicious sausages made from beef and sometimes lamb. Following an excellent dinner, we walked into the main avenue of the city, where a wine festival was underway. A large tent had been set up in the center of a large boulevard, and a live band was performing. For those unfamiliar with Croatian wine, which was myself, it is shockingly underrated, and also quite affordable. White wine is the new red, as far as I am concerned, and if I ever do figure out what type of wine it was that I was drinking I will be sure to track it down and purchase it in abundance. 


Sarajevo, Bosnia

The most volatile destination on our trip in terms of its history, Sarajevo has made a truly remarkable recovery from the Bosnian War against Yugoslavia. During that war, the Serbian army, aided by the Serb minority living in Bosnia in the Republic of Serbska, surrounded Sarajevo and seiged it for four years. Bosnia had declared independence from Yugoslavia, which was governed and administrated mainly by Serbs, and the Republic of Serbska, which was still home to the Bosnian Serb population, had appealed to Yugoslavia for protection. The response was devastating for Sarajevo. The city was surrounded by the Serbian forces, who set up outposts in the mountains that surrounded the city. From there, they could easily fire mortars and take potshots at the Bosnians trapped inside the city, many of who were innocent civilians. 

Due to international regulations, no new weapons were allowed into the Balkans. The rationale for this regulation assumed that without weapons a war could not be conducted. Sadly, what was not considered was the fact that the Serbian army was already well armed and trained. Bosnia, lacking small arms, had nothing with which to fight back. 

During our stay, we resided in the Holiday Inn. This seemingly insignificant detail was deliberately incoroporated into our travel itinerary, due to its historical significance during the seige. The Holiday Inn was where the journalists stayed during the seige, including our previously mentioned professor. The avenue on which it was located was nicknamed "Sniper Alley," as it was exposed to sniper fire from the Serbian positions in the mountains.

We spent two nights in Sarajevo, and in both cases I explored the Turkish quarters of the city. As our professor had informed us, the point of distinction between the Bosniacs, the Croats, and the Serbs was religion. They shared and continue to share a common language (though they are attempting to differentiate it) as well as a common geneological ancestry. The Bosniacs are predominantly Muslim, but distinct from the mannerisms in which it is practiced in the Middle East. The Serbs are Eastern Orthdox, and the Croats have remained Roman Catholic since the Roman Empire. Because of the identity with Islam, the mosque and madrassa in the Turkish quarters was completely natural to the Bosniac citizens.

On one occasion we passed through a large market in which a mortar had detonated, killing a large number of innocent civilians. Though such acts were common at the time, there are allegations that the mortar was actually fired by Bosnians at other Bosnians in order to stir nationalistic fervor and to compel the International Community to take retaliatory measures against the Serbian Army. NATO bomb experts arrived at the scene, but as it had been raining it was impossible for them to determine if the mortar had come from the city itself or from the mountains. In any event, the incident was a tragedy for humanity, but to the Bosnians it was more so a fact of life for those still trapped within the city. Individuals were not permitted to leave, and the only way in or out was through the airport, which was used by NATO to deliver provisions for the population. Most of these supplies were seized by the Serbian Army instead. NATO had negotiated with the Serbs for the protection and use of the airport, and one condition was that no Bosnians would be allowed to escape. Beyond the airport was a free territory still under Bosnian control, the only safe haven for the residents of Sarajevo. The Bosnians eventually constructed a tunnel that ran from Sarajevo under the airport and into the free territory. At its peak, three thousand people were able to pass through it in a single day.

Two fatigued, heroic Bosnians escape via the tunnel into Bosnian free territory. They would later make it all the way to Brussels, after a long and arduous journey.

The above map, featured in the Tunnel Museum, shows the positions of the Serbian Army around Sarajevo (in red). The narrow corridor between Sarajevo and Free Bosnian Territory, where the airport was located, was protected by NATO forces who had agreed to use it solely for providing supplies to the city residents. The tunnel was built in the corridor after repeated failures of Bosnians to escape through the airport itself.

Srebenica

The town of Srebenica is the site at which some 8,000 Bosnian men and boys were systematically murdered by the Serbian Army. Serbian soldiers, led by the now war criminal Radtko Mladic, arrived in Srebenica to find thousands of unarmed, displaced Bosnians protected by only 150 Dutch NATO soldiers. They ordered the men and boys over the age of 12 to separate from the women, who they then deported and later systematically raped. The men and boys were taken to a nearby town and executed. Families were separated, never to see each other again. Ethnic cleansing was conducted by both sides, making the dissolution of Yugoslavia the bloodiest European conflict since World War II. Below are photos of the cemetery at Srebenica, where the identified victims are buried. The bodies of many Bosnians were buried in mass graves, making the process of identification far more difficult. The true identities of many of the victims remain unknown.


One of thousands of gravestones, this one was particularly tragic. The years of this victim's life were 1980 to 1995, meaning that the boy was only fifteen years old when executed.

Here is pictured the actual gate to the UN/NATO compounds at Srebenica. Srebenica was initially designated as a safety zone for Bosnian refugees by the UN. Given only 150 Dutch soldiers to defend the area, the NATO forces were unable to guarantee the safety of the thousands of Bosnians from the Serbian Army, which demanded that the refugees be removed from the compound and turned over. Visible in the photo are the letters "UN" signifying that this area was under the protection and jurisdiction of the United Nations. Unfortunately, the UN soldiers were powerless to prevent the Serbian forces from seizing the refugees and subsequently executing them.

The Headquarters of the NATO commanders at Srebenica


Memorial Plaque at the Site of the Genocide at Srebenica

We discussed at length the controversies and atrocities that occurred during the conflict in the Balkans, and the legacy of those conflicts that remain unresolved to this day. While the Serbian genocide waged on the Bosnians is morally wrong and indefensible, it must be remembered that all sides committed terrible acts against the others. Pictured above is a Memorial Plaque at Srebenica. It says:

We pray to Almighty God,
May grievance become hope!
May revenge become justice!
May mothers' tears become prayers
That Srebenica 
Never happens again
To no one and
nowhere!


19 November 2010

Power to the People; The Case for Nuclear Energy and its Challenges


        Within the European Community as in other parts of the world, the issue of sustainable and efficient energy is a growing concern. The existing global energy infrastructure, anchored by an ageing and environmentally unsustainable reliance on fossil fuels, will require new dynamic alternative forms of energy to support existing demand while simultaneously rising to accommodate the increasing energy demands of the world community. Current estimates indicate that the global demand for energy will increase by a factor of 2.5 by the year 2050[1]. New demand, concentrated largely in South and East Asia, has already compelled new considerations in energy policy at both the national and EU level. 
The debate surrounding the large-scale adoption of nuclear energy as a central component of the future energy infrastructure has generated prolific, transnational debate among public officials, industry experts, academics, and private individuals. Distinct from other forms of energy due to its unique association with severe negative externalities and a historical legacy of widespread destruction, nuclear energy faces a number of challenges that its alternatives do not. Based on a mixture of empirical data from surveys, public reactions to new projects, political movements, and observation from new practices such as social media, it is evident that public reception to new nuclear developments varies substantially in terms of ideology. With industry representatives proclaiming a “nuclear renaissance” concurrent with opponents of the nuclear industry heralding its approaching inevitable demise, the multilayered and polarized nature of the debate is abundantly clear; rather than creating forums for bipartisan dialogue supporters and opponents of the industry prefer instead to continually undermine the opposite argument while pointedly refusing to make any concessions. Such a scenario has ignited the polar extremities of each side and crowded out moderate perspectives that seek sensible compromises. In order for the debate to be effectively resolved, neutral, accurate information must be made available to the general public, thereby giving it the opportunity to formulate its own opinion on the nuclear debate and pressure government officials to create a comprehensible overarching energy policy.
Despite attempts to clarify the nuclear debate, differing ideological perspectives and rhetorical dissonance have created a debate that is convoluted and disengaged. Debate at both the political and individual level must be organized to such an extent that arguments can be evaluated on merit rather than ideological bias. In its current context, the nuclear industry is championed, unsurprisingly, by energy utilities, various national governments, and a scattering of academic researchers and private citizens. The opposition to nuclear energy is composed primarily of ideologically opposed international organizations, environmentally focused political groups, and community level stakeholders. Given an objective examination of both sides, the clear, rational case presented by pro-nuclear advocates embodies a factually driven and compelling argument for supporting new nuclear developments. In contrast, the opposing argument given by anti-nuclear movements is largely oriented toward emotional appeals and fear-mongering tactics backed occasionally by hard statistics. In the attempt to objectively evaluate each argument, the case for nuclear energy holds considerably more merit than the opposing viewpoint.
In order to gain acceptance in the public sphere, the nuclear industry will first have to overcome solidly ingrained public misconceptions regarding the nature and function of nuclear energy. The nuclear industry faces the dual challenges of resurrecting its image and proving its long-term viability as a central component to the future global energy portfolio. To do so, it will have to develop an effective mechanism for external relations at the national and international level, while still maintaining representation in informal, individual channels of social media. Representation at the level of the consumer is still largely the domain of the anti-nuclear movement, as is clearly demonstrated by the success of highly visible public efforts by such entities as Greenpeace. For the nuclear industry, the challenge remains an uphill battle, one that, in the context of nuclear energy, remains severely underdeveloped. The following sections focus on different aspects of the nuclear debate, and provide an introductory case for the adoption of nuclear energy as an integral component of the future global energy infrastructure.

I.                              Context of Nuclear Energy
II.                            The Nuclear Debate in Social Media
III.                 Technical Analysis
IV.                 Interview with Mr Richard Ivens
V.                  Legislative Efforts

I. Context of Nuclear Energy
There are over 440 nuclear power plants (NPPs) worldwide operating in 31 countries[2]. Globally, nuclear energy accounts for 16% of the electricity consumed. Currently, both France and Lithuania rely on nuclear energy for more than 75% of their total energy portfolio. Despite legal, social, and financial setbacks, the nuclear industry has established itself as a vital component of the global energy infrastructure, and offers the potential to enable governments to meet energy needs in the future while simultaneously contributing substantially to the reduction of climate change. 
The essential dilemma facing the nuclear industry is whether the industry is truly necessary in the long term energy infrastructure. Current reliance on oil will not last for an infinite period of time, yet less controversial alternatives than nuclear have not only been proposed but are also currently in use. Natural gas, viewed as the centerpiece of the global energy infrastructure by ExxonMobil, offers one such avenue of change, but more socially accepted are the renewable sources of energy; those of wind, hydro, and solar resources. Such alternatives are clean alternatives to the existing system, an energy infrastructure dominated by nonrenewable fossil fuels.
Even within the nuclear industry, opposition to renewable energy is uncommon. The rationale for advocating nuclear energy is due to the view that renewable energy, though an ideal solution, will not alone be able to meet global energy needs that are expected to rise by a factor of 2.5 by the year 2050. The next best scenario is one that will incorporate other energy alternatives into the global energy infrastructure that are equally environmentally efficient. Though nuclear energy entails a greater operating cost than its alternatives, it holds two critical advantages: fuel costs for nuclear energy are lower than for alternative sources of energy, and nuclear energy does not emit carbon dioxide. Given the perpetuation of the current legal framework, in which carbon emissions are subject to taxation, the ability of nuclear power plants to generate electricity without producing carbon dioxide is an advantage that strengthens the case for a long term nuclear component in international energy policy.
Critics of nuclear energy have also cited the potential for nuclear proliferation, as well as its associated security threats, as a valid reason for opposing the continued expansion of nuclear energy. Nuclear plants appear to present potential targets for terrorist networks to execute large scale acts of destruction, and additionally to undermine the national energy grid by eliminating primary electrical producers. There is a tendency to associate nuclear power plants as energy oriented nuclear arsenals, but in reality there exists a clear distinction between the two. Nuclear power plants rely on the U235 isotope, which contains 92 protons and 143 neutrons. In its natural state, uranium is composed of only .7% U235, with the remaining 99.3% being U238, an isotope with 92 protons and 146 neutrons. For sufficient levels for energy production, uranium must be enriched to 20-30% U235. Weapons grade uranium, in contrast, requires an enrichment level of above 90%, well above the level required for energy purposes. It is therefore inaccurate to equate the destruction of a nuclear plant with the detonation of weapons grade nuclear material. In its worst case, the destruction of a nuclear plant would potentially release radioactivity into the surrounding atmosphere, contaminating the surrounding environment. Due to advances in safety features and plant designs, including a cladding layer around the fuel assembly and a containment structure made of reinforced concrete, such an outcome is unlikely.[3]
An additional criticism of the nuclear industry is due to its high capital costs. Each Western built[4] nuclear power plant costs several billion dollars to construct, an expenditure that is outside the abilities of most private utilities. Energy companies are typically larger in Europe than in the United States, due in part to the fact that some of the largest utilities in Europe are state owned (i.e., EdF). Opposition to the nuclear industry also highlights prior construction projects, many of which exceeded both their initial cost estimates and their construction timetables by a substantial margin.
The economic considerations in financing a nuclear power plant are still under development. Critics of the industry have a strong point in referring to high capital costs, but several points on the recent progress of the nuclear industry must also be considered. Firstly, during the era of escalating costs and expanding construction timelines, nuclear plants were constructed on a ´cost-plus` basis in which the companies building the plants were not subject to a fixed price. Consequently, there was an incentive for inefficiency, as the construction companies would increase their revenue by prolonging the project. Secondly, in some cases, construction was begun while construction plans were still underway. Nuclear power plants now are subject to regulation ensuring that plans are completed prior to beginning the actual construction in order to prevent costs from overrunning initial estimates. Furthermore, nuclear plants also now follow one of several common design patterns approved by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, making construction easier and more efficient. Previously plants had been custom built.
The final and most significant cause of opposition to the nuclear industry is the lack of a long term disposal strategy. While solutions exist for low and medium level radioactive substances, the current practice of underground storage for high-level radioactive materials is unsustainable in the long term. Critics view such a practice as an unethical means of transferring the problems and waste of the current generation on to its successors. While it is important to acknowledge that the current practice of underground storage is safe, at best this system is only a solution in the interim. A better, long term and sustainable solution has yet to be developed.

II. The Nuclear Debate in Social Media
Recently in the context of corporate strategies and commercial activity, the concept of social media has made a widespread and far-reaching debut. Commonly incorporated into corporate practices as a medium for informal relations between business and the consumer, social media effectively bridges the communicatory divide between the two by serving as an outlet in which companies can become a part of the conversation regarding their product/service at the level of the individual consumer. The use of social media is a necessary component of integrating the political and strategic objectives of corporate or non-governmental entities with their corresponding stakeholders. Distinct from marketing and public relations, social media represents a new, dynamic form of communication in which the entity adopts a medium for dialogue with other members and interests relevant to the issue. Corporate social media has been effectively implemented to fill in the gap between public relations and the previously un-integrated dialogue that existed exclusively in the consumer domain, with companies now able to participate in that dialogue as an informal source of information, or even as an impartial observer. By creating outlets for the discussion within its own sphere of influence (i.e., a company website, Blog, online forum, etc.), companies now have the ability to analyze the consumer perspective at the level of the individual. This new apparatus constitutes a fundamental change in relations between the entity and the consumer by narrowing the gap in communication between the two. In essence, the entity now has the capacity for an active role in informal interaction relating to its perception at the community level.
The practical application of social media is not limited to corporate interests. Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have great potential to incorporate social media for similar uses. Social media can spread awareness on an issue, serve as a link between organizations with common objectives, or assist in raising funds and fostering stakeholder engagement. With other types of entities, such as political firms, social media can provide clarity or rationale on the necessity of specific modifications to pieces of legislation. Because of its versatile role, the importance of social media should not be lightly regarded in the formulation and exercise of corporate relations.
The context of the European nuclear energy industry deviates slightly from purely commercial considerations. Debate surrounding the issue of nuclear energy is additionally subject to discrimination motivated by ideology rather than consumer preference alone, and the very nature of consumption itself varies substantially between an individual consumer product and a regional public utility. Nuclear energy firms therefore not only face competition from their peers but also resistance from politically motivated activist organizations that aim to prohibit further expansion of the industry and seek the replacement of nuclear power plants with less controversial alternatives.
Effective use of social media has been more visible and more influential on the anti-nuclear side. While pro-nuclear literature does exist in blogs, industry websites, and neutral forums, anti-nuclear campaigns have demonstrated a far greater aptitude for harnessing the creative capacities of online social media to attract new supporters and launch productive, highly publicized campaigns. As the nuclear energy industry in Europe is still familiarizing itself to social media, anti-nuclear organizations such as Greenpeace have already built a loyal volunteer community with global reach and support. The greater achievement by the opposition to nuclear energy is not solely due to their tremendous effort in dominating the social media landscape; anti-nuclear organizations, especially NGOs and non-profit organizations, have an intrinsic advantage in their personal and emotive appeal. Large energy firms and corporations suffer in social media because they lack a human component in their consumer relations, a void that NGOs embody. Whereas energy firms appear impersonal and distant, the appeal of NGOs is their grassroots level of interaction. A member of the general public wishing to contribute toward promoting the expansion of nuclear projects would likely be prevented from doing so due to their lack of professional experience and/or training in the field of nuclear energy: Within the highly organized field of nuclear energy, an individual without any formal training or knowledge of the energy sector would be sidelined. In the case of anti-nuclear organizations, many of which are NGOs, lay individuals are both welcome and useful, as such organizations rely on volunteer labor to accomplish their objectives. The nuclear industry therefore suffers from the lack of an outlet for volunteer labor, whereas the anti-nuclear effort flourishes precisely because of its energized, passionate, and globally based volunteer network.
A fully integrated social media campaign is necessary for the nuclear industry to dispel its close association to adverse health impacts and negative externalities in the public mentality. In nearly two and a half decades of successful operation the nuclear industry still has not been able to disassociate itself from the incidents of Three Mile Island and Chernobyl. Technological developments that have improved safety standards and plant operation have been largely overlooked by the general public and ignored entirely by the industry’s opposition. Though increasingly acknowledged as an important topic, in order to engage members of the public in a discussion on nuclear energy, energy firms must adopt a proactive approach toward involving the general public in industry related campaigns and forums.
III. Technical Analysis
Uranium occurs naturally in a solid state, as uranium oxice, with .7% composed of the U235 isotope (92 protons and 143 neutrons). The remaining 99.3% is composed of the U238 isotope, which contains 92 protons and 146 neutrons. Most reactors currently require the isotope U235 to generate electricity, thus requiring the enrichment of uranium up to levels featuring 4-5% up to 20-30% of the U235 isotope. In order enrich the uranium, it first must undergo a process entitled fuel fabrication, which requires the conversion of uranium oxice into the gas known as uranium hexafluoride (UF6). To convert the solid uranium oxide into a gaseous state, the solid rock must be heated to temperatures in excess of 1000 degrees Celsius. The gas, when cooled, will turn back into a solid in the form of ceramic pellets. These pellets will then be enriched to the necessary levels for the desired U235 isotope.
There are two methods used to enrich the uranium to the necessary levels. The first occurs through a process known as gaseous diffusion. In the gaseous diffusion method, the gas uranium hexafluoride is passed through a series of porous membranes. The U235 isotope, having fewer neutrons than the U238 isotope, travels farther through the membranes, leading to an outcome in which the concentration of the U235 isotope is greater further on in the membranes and the U238 concentration is stronger closer to its starting point. This process, known as a cascade, is repeated in numerous stages to further increase the concentration of U235 further from the starting position. In order to reach the necessary enrichment, the uranium hexafluoride will have to undergo some 1,400 stages.
The second method of enrichment uses centrifugal force to separate the U235 isotope from U238. UF6 is pumped into vacuum tubes around a centrifuge, which is then rotated at speeds of 500 meters per second, giving it a force equivalent to one million times the force of gravity. The tubes are facing outward, and the heavier U238 molecule moves further from the center of the centrifuge. The U235 molecule remains closer to the center.
Once the uranium hexafluoride has been adequately enriched, the gas is then cooled into ceramic pellets. These pellets are approximately the size of a large tablet. The pellets are lined up and placed inside long, slender tubes made from zirconium alloy. These alloy tubes are then bundled together in clusters, which form the fuel assembly. The fuel assembly is then placed at the center of the nuclear core, which is encapsulated by a containment structure made from reinforced concrete to guarantee worker safety.
Nuclear reactors produce energy by heating water to produce steam. The steam is used to drive turbines that generate electricity. Nuclear chain reactions are responsible for converting the water into steam via the heat that they release. The heat occurs when the U235 atoms split (fission). Specifically, neutrons from the U235 molecule split off and collide with other neutrons attached to U235 molecules. The collision causes the neutrons to detach from the molecule, giving off energy in the form of heat as it breaks loose. Nuclear reactions are long chains of fissile reactions that are slowed by a moderator, usually composed of water, heavy water, or graphite. In addition, control rods are used to ensure that the chain reaction is tightly controlled.
The current average longevity of a nuclear reactor is 40 to 60 years. In the United States, much of the existing nuclear infrastructure was completed in the 1970s and 1980s. A large percentage of reactors currently in use are ageing, and many reactors are scheduled to begin closing in the next decade[5]. An increasing number of reactors are operating on extended licenses, meaning that they have already exceeded their initial intended period of operation, and are operating under licenses that allow them another 20 years.

IV Interview with Mr Richard Ivens
Public perception of nuclear energy has been steadily shifting toward a more receptive position, according to Mr Richard Ivens, now the Institutional Affairs Director at the European Atomic Forum (FORATOM). Ivens provided a strong case for new outreach initiatives in the nuclear industry that are designed to foster a relationship between nuclear power plants and their surrounding communities. Nuclear facilities, Ivens claimed, attempt to engage their surrounding communities in order to involved community members in important decision making processes. While part of this new movement is the direct result of recent legislation, Ivens cited the rise of integrated stakeholder groups and increased traffic to visitor centers as indicators of the nuclear industry’s success in engaging the general public. He also referred to more tangible indicators, such as the creation of employment opportunities and increased tax revenues for municipalities to support his argument.
Building nuclear power plants is a capital intensive, long-term process that requires large amounts of capital, time, resources, and specialized workers. Allocating new areas for nuclear power plants has in the past been met with skepticism and even outright opposition. In order to eliminate any negative relations, Ivens pointed out that a new strategy is to continue new nuclear developments at existing facilities. Eliminating the potential for negative confrontation, using existing facilities has the added bonus of occurring in an area where the local community already has a strong relationship to the nuclear plants.
Mr Ivens also alluded to the Eurobarometer survey, published in June 2008, as an empirical data set supporting the claim that support for nuclear energy is growing. The survey also made several critical observations about the nuclear debate, with seemingly positive implications for the pro-nuclear argument. The final percentages showed 44% of surveyed individuals in support in nuclear energy, with 45% remaining opposed. Though appearing to be a victory for the anti-nuclear campaign, such results indicate a gain in support for the nuclear industry, having exhibited only a 37% rate of support and a 55% rate of opposition only three years prior. This data clearly indicates that support for nuclear energy is on the rise, and additionally coincides with a universal increase in global attentiveness to climate change.
 The survey also exposed several noteworthy trends. According to the Eurobarometer survey: “citizens in countries that have operational nuclear power plants are considerably more likely to support nuclear energy than citizens in other countries.” Countries that support this claim include the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Sweden, Finland, and Slovakia. It should be noted that this trend is not without exceptions; the two caveats are manifest in Romania and Spain, which the latter exhibiting a 57% rate of opposition. In Romania, the irregularity is due to a large percentage of the public professing indifference to the issue.
Eurobarometer 2008 also exposed interesting socio-economic trends on the participants surveyed. The study displayed a correlation between gender and position on nuclear energy, with persons of the male gender more likely to support nuclear developments, and females more likely to oppose further expansion. It also indicated a correlation between education level and position, with individuals who had a greater level of education more disposed toward supporting nuclear energy. Lastly, in terms of political ideology, individuals whose views tended toward the right were generally more supportive of nuclear energy, while those whose views tended toward the left were less likely to be as supportive.
During the interview, Ivens had provided brief remarks on the challenges posed by high capital costs for new nuclear power plants. Addressing them in greater detail, he acknowledged that financing is a critical hurdle for many energy utilities. In this respect, the issue is as dependent on geographic location as it is local reception, but for purely political reasons. In the United States, for example, utilities are much smaller than their European counterparts. Consequently, the multi-billion dollar investment required for new nuclear power plants is typically beyond their financial resources. Project financing, or a financial arrangement in which the new plant itself is used as collateral, has proven ineffective. Current financial arrangements commonly rely on a combination of financing via debt and equity. Other firms have used bond issues to raise a portion of the necessary capital. 
Nuclear companies operating across the Atlantic are sometimes state owned or operated under a joint venture between the public and private sector. An example of a state owned utility is EdF (Energie de France), one of the largest utilities in the world. Because such utilities are operated by the state, they have a number of advantages that US based companies do not. Firstly they typically have access to much greater amounts of capital, and often have valuable assets that they can leverage as collateral for investments in new projects. State owned enterprises are also intrinsically linked to their governments, whereas energy firms in the United States often are subject to bureaucratic constraints when applying for construction and operating licenses. Energy firms in the United States may also face governments that are not supportive of nuclear expansion, a factor that state owned enterprises can bypass.
In China, construction costs are substantially lower than that of Western nuclear projects, and are also completed in a much shorter duration. China is currently constructing more nuclear reactors than any other country, and is believed to have reached economies of scale in construction of nuclear plants. The speed at which Chinese reactors are built, however, comes at the expense of vital safety standards, a sacrifice that would be unthinkable in Western design and practice.

V Legislative Efforts
 The debate between industry representatives and anti-nuclear advocates has transcended the confines of the commercial arena into the general public and, more significantly, into circles of political officials around the world. In the United States, recent attempts to pass a major piece of legislation that would have included a significant role for nuclear almost reached fruition. An unlikely team of three Senators, John Kerry (D-Massachusetts), Joseph Lieberman (I-Connecticut), and Lindsay Graham (R-South Carolina) met with high ranking members in the White House, among them David Axelrod and Rahm Emanuel, to discuss a climate change bill that had strong support among the democrats and a small but sufficient number of committed Republicans. This was several months before the November elections, in which Democrats suffered substantial losses, and it looked as though the bill would succeed. Debate over climate change had been pushed toward a compromise enabling Democrats to pursue their agenda of taxing carbon emissions, with Republicans receiving favorable conditions for promoting natural gas and nuclear energy.
The triumvirate, or three amigos, as they were sometimes labeled, was from the start an unlikely alliance; Graham had publicly denounced Kerry, who had endorsed an opponent of Lieberman during one of Lieberman’s campaigns; yet the three politicians were genuinely committed towards producing a piece of legislation that would potentially be a monumental step in political efforts to reduce climate change. Praise was quick for Graham, who was now working in tandem with representatives and organizations traditionally found at the opposite end of the political spectrum relative to Graham’s own conservative leaning. Though the attention was initially helpful for his political career in the campaign donations he attracted, mounting pressure from his own constituency began to haunt his legitimacy in the Republican Party. Graham especially realized the need for expediency in passing the climate change legislation.[6]
Their efforts took them into contact with moderate Republicans, officials in the Chamber of Commerce, private hedge fund billionaires, sponsors of competing energy bills, and T Boone Pickens, the Texan natural gas tycoon. Along the way, Democrats made large concessions for loan guarantees for nuclear developments, something that Graham was immensely supportive. Their greatest challenge, however, proved to be the oil industry. Representatives from the oil industry had advocated the opening of national parks and new zones in the Gulf of Mexico for drilling, something that Democrats resolutely opposed. President Obama, however, coincidentally gave a speech in later March in which he stated his approval in allowing oil companies to drill in certain areas of the Gulf of Mexico. To Kerry, Lieberman, and Graham, the President had just freely conceded a crucial bargaining chip. To complicate matters, a story leaked to Fox was aired portraying Graham as playing a crucial role in a Democratic bill. Though the ideas were not Graham’s, the very idea that Graham was collaborating with Democrats provoked a serious backlash in his home constituency.
Ultimately, the pressure forced Graham to withdraw from the bill, which by that time had been subject to numerous demands from the oil, natural gas, and nuclear industries. Earlier, Graham had had to meet with an electrical utility that demanded delays in the cap and trade system. The meeting took place on April 22nd, Earth day. On that day, the BP Deepwater Horizon Oil Rig sank to the bottom of the Gulf, leaving the three amigos with a bill that conceded more territory for oil drilling as sixty thousand barrels of oil were being released into the Gulf of Mexico.[7] Graham, who had been the last Republican negotiating on climate change, was out. The bill, having had the potential to become a landmark ruling that altered the political landscape on climate change and nuclear energy, was effectively over.
The political narrative in Europe was less colorful and further along than in the United States. With many countries already using nuclear energy for a considerable amount of their electricity, the debate was less over the incorporation of new nuclear programs and more relevant to ensuring safety standards and effective waste disposal. Recently, on 03 November 2010, a directive was issued requesting member states to issue comprehensive accounts on their procedures for managing spent nuclear fuel. The next step in European Union level legislation is a uniform standard on waste management that will require all member states to follow one procedure. Common standards have already been disclosed in documentation from the International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA), which sets a standard for developing plans for final repositories within four years of adopting the directive. In the context of waste management, Europe is more advanced than the United States, which currently stores its spent nuclear fuel on site in separate facilities connected to the nuclear plant. Developments at Yucca Mountain have been contested, with Senator Harry Reid staunchly opposing its use in the interim storage of nuclear waste. Europe, in contrast, has fully functioning underground waste depositories, but will need to expand to meet future requirements.

The continued expansion of nuclear energy is more a reality than a possibility, however the success of its political reception is conditional on its public perception. The nuclear industry must engage in more substantial initiatives to dispel widespread negative misconceptions and promote the tangible benefits that it offers to the community. The current conception of nuclear energy is still slightly negatively oriented; by increasing public awareness of the benefits of nuclear energy the industry could greatly reduce both political and community level opposition. The debate over nuclear energy can be advanced via social media initiatives that target consumers at the informal, individual level.
Given a technical introduction to the nuclear fuel cycle and a basic explanation of its real function, it becomes clear that many of the risks commonly associated with the nuclear industry are unrealistic and overstated. The challenge for the industry will require pro-nuclear advocates to continue to make this information more readily available, especially to individuals with a genuine interest in learning about the nuclear industry.
As was indicated by Mr Richard Ivens, the overall social perceptions and attitudes towards nuclear energy are changing in favor of the pro-nuclear side, according to the Eurobarometer Survey from June 2008. That survey is the most up to date information on the social perspectives currently available, and it clearly indicates a trend towards public acceptance and support of nuclear expansion.
Finally, current and future legislative efforts on both sides of the Atlantic are oriented towards increasing safety standards in order to make nuclear energy a more efficient, effective, and morally acceptable practice. While energy policy differs substantially in different regions, the industry is globally recognized as presenting a clean, effective solution to the looming problem of climate change. Though renewable energy is an ideal scenario, many industry experts do not believe that it will be possible to implement sufficient renewable energy infrastructure to meet growing energy demands. Nuclear energy can supplement the renewable energy in the interim period.
The nuclear energy industry remains a controversial and increasingly important issue in international politics. Further development is necessary to ensure its long-term safety, but nuclear energy sources have already been in full operation for decades, having only suffered two major incidents in its entirety. In ensuring the safety and sustainability of the industry, nuclear energy will ultimately realize its full potential as a central part of the global energy infrastructure.



[1] Nuclear Century Outlook
[2] Nuclear Century Outlook
[3] The Fuel Cycle in Brief
[4] In China, nuclear power plants are constructed in less time and at approximately half the cost as their Western counterparts at the expense of safety standards.
[5] Energy: Nuclear safety
[6] 

"Inside the Senate’s battle over climate change” New Yorker
[7] 

"Inside the Senate’s battle over climate change,” New Yorker

14 November 2010

Taking Care of Business, Three Two One, Walk Like An Egyptian and God Save the Queen

Mid-November Recap of the Past Three Weeks

Apologies for the lack of correspondence. Despite my efforts to remain current with events as they occur, current circumstances have diverted my attention to other matters that will now be recounted. 

Note: Though I would like to go on in detail about each of these separate endeavors, for the sake of expediency and in the interest of updating “The Discovery of Europe” to the present day, the accounts of each of them has been substantially abridged.

Note II: More photos to be uploaded upon my successful return to Brussels



I. Taking Care of Business; The Foratom Lobbying Team

Following our field trip through Strasbourg, Trier, and Bastogne, we returned to Brussels for a day of classes. The following day, Tuesday, I accompanied two members of the Foratom Lobby back to Strasbourg for the October Plenary Session of the European Parliament. After a meeting in Luxembourg on the way, we arrived in Strasbourg hours after a speech by Ban Ki Moon, the UN Secretary General. It was already early evening by the time we arrived, but as our only event for the day was a dinner debate we had a more than adequate amount of time to unwind. The dinner debate was held in the Parliament, and was attended by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) involved in EU climate change and energy policy, as well as lobbyists and corporate representatives of various European utilities. My boss, a jovial Spaniard by the name of Santiago San Antonio, joined us for the dinner. From the outset it was clear that my role was exclusively observatory, as my colleagues were busy networking and greeting old friends and contacts. Santiago, however, was remarkably nonchalant throughout the entire discourse, having assured me that he had already accomplished his objectives, namely that of speaking with the commissioner. At the time I did not realize it, but the commissioner to whom he was referring was none other than Gunther Oettinger, an individual whose policies and legislative activities I had become familiar with during the past several weeks spent researching the European energy outlook. At the end of the evening, I had the honor of introducing myself to Mr Oettinger, in which I thanked him for his remarks. 

The dinner was like something out of a James Bond movie. The jump from a student budget to a dinner party at the European Parliament is quite an upgrade, and I took advantage of my lack of commitment at the dinner to enjoy many a glass of delectable champagne. Thanks to Santiago, I also met a few MEPs and lobbyists sympathetic to our objectives. 

The following day we met with several MEPs individually. Though "The Discovery of Europe," fine publication that it is, is followed by six dear individuals, and viewed (most likely accidentally), but an increasing number of websurfers, I doubt that any content published here will matter; nevertheless I will refrain from disclosing the names of the MEPs to preserve their privacy. Suffice it to say that among our supporters in the European Parliament are several high ranking MEPs, including a British Conservative, a Hungarian Socialist, and a Spaniard nuclear engineer turned politician who understands the technical points of our industry better than most industry officials. 

Though there are convincing arguments that it is an integral part of our political society, I have never been wholly supportive or opposed to lobbying. Nevertheless, the opportunity to observe my two colleagues with MEPs was a reminder of the why lobbying is, in theory, a strong asset to a healthy democracy. Commonly characterized as a tool of powerful special interests, lobbying also can be a commanding outlet for representing the interests of the public. That lobbyists are industry professionals means that they have specialized knowledge and experience in their fields that members of the public lack. Because of this, lobbyists are theoretically the ideal candidates to represent the public interests to our elected officials. The important consideration is to ensure that lobbyists act more for the public than they do for special interests that are not necessarily aligned with the common welfare. 


II. Three Days, Two Continents, One City; A Long Weekend in Istanbul

I returned to Brussels via a second meeting in Luxembourg on Thursday evening. 24 hours later I found myself in Istanbul with my wonderful parents, excited by the prospects of a luxury hotel and a culinary repertoire consisting of more than Belgian frites and Doner Kebab. Our hotel, Milenium Suites, was located just a two minute walk away from the Hagia Sofia and the Blue Mosque, which we visited our second full day of our stay. On the first day we visited the Grand Bazaar and the Spice Market. The Grand Bazaar is one of the oldest in the world, and has evolved from a Souk-like labyrinth of disorganized stores into a paved, lit, and well-organized commercial center. Even so, haggling remains an acceptable practice, a venture that I once enjoyed but now detest. The Spice Market was much more rooted in its original character, reminding me of a similar Souk that I had visited in Morocco, albeit with less aggressive and more polite vendors. 

Prior to Istanbul, I had never before seen a Mosque that rivaled the Cathedrals of Western Europe. The Hagia Sofia, in my mind more impressive than the Blue Mosque, is a stunning and brilliantly engineered mosque that is to Turkey what Notre Dame is to Paris. Given my Western-centric study of world history, I am not able to appreciate Mosques to the same degree that I do Cathedrals, largely due to limited academic exposure to the field of Central Asian studies. This will change; I look to my interest and future learning as agents that will expand my currently Western dominated perspective and refer to the mantra of the University of Chicago as an accurate and inspiring outlook on what should constitute the life of a student: Crescat Scientia, vita excolatur. Translated: Let Knowledge grow from more to more, and so be human life enriched. 

The Hagia Sofia











III. Walk Like An Egyptian; Fall Break in Cairo

At long last I made it to Egypt, a country whose history I have lightly studied since elementary school. Cairo, of course, is no longer a land of Pharaohs and prophets, but now a thriving metropolis that has expanded so far that it is impossible to distinguish the end of the Egyptian capital from the borders of Giza, where the famous pyramids are located. Being fortunate enough to have several contacts there (including one native resident of Giza), getting from the airport to the apartment of my friends was easier than expected. Cairo is an excellent city for students, as the Egyptian pound is the equivalent of approximately .20 USD, so it is possible to live large even on a student budget. 

Exploring Cairo without any knowledge of Arabic is not an easy task, so the first day proved relatively low key. I visited the famous Egyptian Museum, the world's largest collection of ancient Egyptian artifacts. During my grade school years I had been to the museums in Chicago that had featured exhibitions of the young King Tutankhaman, but the collection at the Egyptian Museum far eclipsed anything that I had previously seen. Unfortunately, the museum itself was largely devoid of a clear organized route, and many of the artifacts, though impressive, lacked any information. For those planning a trip to the Egyptian Museum in the next several months, be warned that to fully enjoy the museum it is necessary to bring a guidebook that offers information on the artifacts. I fortunately was carrying a Lonely Planet guide from one of my friends, which proved instrumental in providing context to the artifacts that I was viewing. 

My colleagues generally returned to the apartment around 5 pm each day, so the evenings we would go to vendors located just a few short blocks away. Nargile, (sheesha, or hookah) was quite inexpensive there, with a pipe costing only one Egyptian pound (20 cents). As far as alcohol was concerned, Egypt proved relatively relaxed for a Muslim country, with most hotels having a limited selection of liquors and beers. There was also a small liquor store on the corner of our street, which I am convinced remained alive solely because of the frequent and considerable patronage of myself and my whiskey-loving comrades. 

On the Wednesday of my weeklong recess, I made it out to the pyramids of Giza, where an awestruck Saint Luc wandered, climbed, and rode up to, around, and into the Cheops and Myceneos pyramids (I missed the Khafre pyramid, which is the second largest pyramid located in between the two others). For the record, I will admit that going inside the pyramids, while an interesting experience, is not rewarding, as there is nothing to see once inside the end chamber (even if there were things to see, which there aren't, one would not be able to see them as there is no lighting). However, to be able to claim to have been inside the pyramids is a wonderful experience that I will be sure to recount to my freshman year world studies high school teacher, who among other things has instructed me to visit Egypt at any or all costs. I also eventually caved in to the numerous vendors there offering camel rides around the pyramids. I had read in my guide book about their numerous tricks for tourists, so I was unsurprised at my dear vendor feigned astonishment and outrage when I handed him ten Egyptian pounds (we had agreed on five at first). I politely told him to keep the change as a generous 100% tip, to which he replied that he had claimed that our agreement was five dollars, approximately 25 pounds. Our business relationship ended with me pressing the ten pound note into his hands and walking away, content in the knowledge that I had fared quite well, unlike a few of my peers, who in their first week paid hundreds of pounds per person for the same service. 

On Thursday I met up with another friend who was residing in the suburb of Maadi, a journey by metro of about half an hour. I had been there the night before, but I still made the mistake of disembarking from the metro one stop early (there are three stops on the metro that contain the word "Maadi," and they all are located next to each other). Fortunately I realized my mistake, found her apartment, and then it was off to the Citadel and the ancient Souk of Khan al-Khalili. The Citadel was a fortress and a religious center, very much like the Alhambra in Granada, Spain. We went into a few mosques, bypassed the military museum, and wandered through a garden that was surprisingly green considering its location in the Sahara desert. At Khan al-Khalili, we wandered through countless stores that all contained variants of the same items, and had lunch at a cafe located right outside the maze of shops. 


On my final night in Cairo, we went out on a felucca, or a river cruise on the Nile. This was a spectacular way to end my stay in Egypt, and I now wish that I could have stayed longer. The Brussels program, while impressive in the opportunities it affords, is still an enclave program rather than a direct enrollment program, which limits our ability to immerse ourselves in the local and national culture. Though I have no regrets or reservations about choosing Brussels, the fact remains that my colleagues in Cairo are experiencing a new culture to a much greater degree than we are in Brussels. Combined with the fact that the culture in Egypt is much less similar than that of Belgium to the United States is a testament to the spirit of adventurism that I find so inspiring in many of my peers. 


IV. God Save the Queen

Designated as a separate entry to be disclosed in the future, suffice it to say that tomorrow I will attempt a re-entry in to the fair city of Brussels, having been denied entry one week ago due to an overstayed tourist visa by some 53 days. For now, all I will say is a heartfelt thank you to the Kumar family in London for their generous hospitality and Three Cheers for Her Majesty the Queen. More to come and then more to come.